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With regard to the evolution of concepts of divinity, we draw attention to the increasing number of dedications which do not name the deity, but only its attributes – e.g., “the God under the Earth” in Philippi (121), “the Just Gods” and “the Lord, the God Above” in Kibyra (28), and the “divinity with the many forms/images” in Stratonikeia (131). The rest of the text concerns the prerogatives of Leros and his descendants from this annual sacrifice (l. , ὅλος δοῦμος), in a death like condition”; the same text refers to Zeus Didymeites (not “Didymeitos”)]. [We did not have access to two new corpora of the ‘Orphic’ texts: A. The first sacrifice was offered at the set of the Pleiads (late October/early November), which marks the beginning of the seasonal agricultural activities; Zeus was probably perceived as patron of these activities. June 24) should not be understood as the washing of Zeus’ statue, since such a ritual washing is attested only for statues of goddesses [see now T. The annual festival of Zeus was celebrated on the next day. 156), but “she became angry (from χολόομαι) at her son Polychronios”; ἐπιτυχοῦσα περὶ ὧν ἔπαθα is not “when I found out why I was suffering” (p.

32), a new leasing document from Amos in Karia with a clause which seems to allude to the periodical cleaning of a sacred grove on the occasion of a sacrifice (11), oracular inquiries from Miletos, one of which may be a new attestation of imperial mysteries (41), an epitaph from Yehilova with a list of offerings to be made to the goddess Ma in Komana (6), a very important inscription from Hierapolis which quotes a sacred regulation of the cult of Zeus (126), and inscriptions from Asia Minor that provide information concerning the funerary cult (e.g., 117 and 119). καὶ]| κριὸν ἑκάστου ἐνιαυτοῦ≥, [θύειν αὐτὸν] καὶ κοσινας [perhaps: [θύ]|ειν Λέοντα τὸν ἱερεία ἐ[πὶ τοῦ βωμοῦ]| κριὸν ἑκάστου ἐνιαυτοῦ≥, [- – ειν δὲ] καὶ κοσινας; “Leon, the priest, shall sacrifice on the altar every year a ram and [make an offering] of kosinai”]; the term κοσινη/κοσίναι is attested for the first time.

With regard to the interpretation of the monuments erected by the Italians on Delos, H. The typical initiatory rites of this cult are referred to, unfortunately in unclear contexts: τελεῖν/τελεῖσθαι (l. [JM] 1996, 45; 1998, 93; 2000, 28] is not an internal regulation of a sanctuary or a norm of a strictly religious character, but a city law. of the inscriptions found in the so-called “Pretorio” of Gortyn (Crete), which in an early phase was a gymnasium complex. An anonymous athlete (12) was winner of the Olympia in Smyrna and possibly the Sebasta Nemea. of an inscribed base dedicated by an agoranomos, after his term in office, to Hermes Polykarpos (Gortyn, c. The lack of a tribe named after Claudius is surprising; the tribe Antinois honored Antinoos, a native of Bithynion and Hadrian’s lover, after his deification. C.) is the designation of the monument as a λέσχη and the reference to the genealogy of Euthytidas (three generations). argues that the term λέσχη is related to the public role of the grave monument as a meeting place of the family members, as the center of the memory of the family, which was structured around genealogies; it may also be related with the notion of afterlife as an eternal symposion. Based on this observation, which applies in a different measure to all the texts – except for the text of the group C from Timpone Grande [see 8] –, R. 3-4: [ὅπ]ως δὲ ἤδη τῆς εὐσεβείας ἄρξητα[ι] | ἡ βουλή), Myndios provided additional funds. ] at Motalla recording a dedication funded by the property of the god (Zeus Karios? In a discussion of the inscriptions of localities in the vicinity of Hierapolis, R. 8-10) and archaeological finds suggest that pots used for the funeral or as grave goods were sometimes brought from the house and sometimes purchased.

The dedicatory relief 1745, which also refers to the dedication of statues of the θεοί (the Lares Compitales) and of a temple, should be attributed to Kompetaliastai. A later text ([νικάσας ἵπποισι Π]ολύζαλος μ᾿ ἀνέθηκεν), inscribed with the approval of the Amphictyons, transferred the commemoratory inscription to Hieron’s brother Polyzalos. The pankratiast Diogenes (11) was a periodonikes and winner of the pentaeteric agon of the Cretan Koinon (ἱερὸς πενταετηρικὸς ἀγὼν τοῦ κοινοῦ τῶν Κρητῶν). Half of them derive their names from names of gods (Apollonis, Asklepias, Demetrias, Dia, Dionysias, Hermesias), the other half are directly or indirectly related to emperors (Sebaste, Traianis, Hadrianis, Antinois, Antonine, Aureliane). One may assume that originally all the tribes’ names in Bithynion/Klaoudioupolis derived from theonyms, but some of them were later replaced by imperial names. This change in form correlates to a change in content, the dactylic verses containing a narrative section, the prosaic phrases commemorating a ritual performance (during the initiation or the funeral). 117, is known from a (possibly earlier) dedicatory inscription from the theater of Hierapolis (XLI 1200), of which R. In order to enable the council to demonstrate its piety as soon as possible (l.

While the Hermaists made dedications only to Hermes and Maia, the Competaliasts addressed various gods. C., while he was a ruler of Gela ([νικάσας ῾Ιέρων μ᾿ ὁ Γ]έλας ἀνέθεκεν ἀνάσσ[ον]). discusses the perception of Hermes as the patron of the agora and of fertility. 31-50: A new honorific inscription for Septimius Severus (Bithynion/Klaoudioupolis in Bithynia, A. 198), set up by the archontes of the phylai, gives the names of the city’s twelve tribes. suggests that the statue base was dedicated in the theater on the occasion of a festival. discusses the evidence for the names of tribes in Prousias ad Hypium (Iuliane, Sebastene, Germanike, Tiberiane, Hadriane, Sabiniane, Antoniane, Faustiniane, Megaris, Thebais, Prousias, Dionysias); one observes the absence of names related to prehellenistic elements (e.g., Baradendromianoi and Petrozetoi in Nikomedeia). of two graffiti on sherds from the acropolis of Gortyn (late 7th/early 6th cent. 3-5) appear between the dactylic verses in lines 1-2 and 6-7. Together with his wife Glykonis, priestess of the Dodekatheon, Myndios dedicated to Zeus Olympios, the Theoi Patrioi, the emperor Hadrian, the imperial family, and the Demos a construction and facilities pertaining to the cult of the Twelve Gods (τὸ ἔργον κα[ὶ τὸ Δ]ωδεκάθ[εον? The interest of Myndios for the cult of Zeus may be related to the promotion of this cult under Hadrian, who in A. 2-3: αὐτοῦ τοῦ Μυν]δίου μετὰ τῶν κλη­ρου­μ[ένων] | τρειάκοντα βουλευτῶν συνθύοντος καὶ ἱερουργοῦ[ντος).

This practice is probably explained by the fact that the dedicators dedicated two objects (a statue and an altar) standing next to one another, but set a dedicatory inscription only on one of them. The formula οἳ καὶ was not used only by the Hermaistai, but by different associations. The second volume presents a systematic survey of this material, in which L. argues that the original dedicatory inscription of the famous bronze statue of the charioteer at Delphi commemorated a chariot victory of Hieron in 482 or 478 B. 17: [π]αρακαύσωσιν κατὰ ῥόδοις; : A νεωκόρος dedicated a κρεοφυλάκιον to Parthenos (5; 2nd/1st cent.; ‘das Gebäude des Tempels, in welchem dasjenige Fleisch der Opfer aufbewahrt wird, welches zur Ernährung der Priester ausgesondert war’). [AC] 2003, 136]: A mosaic discovered in a bath in Sparta is decorated with representations of crowns and inscriptions which record victories at the following agons: Didymia [in Miletos], Olympia, Eurykleia [in Sparta, XXXVII 497) three phrases in rythmical prose (l. καὶ – - – καὶ τὰ ἄ]λλα); the Dodekatheon mentioned after the ἔργον possibly is not a cult building, but a group of statues of the Twelve Gods in the theater]. The agon of the Olympia in Hierapolis may be related to the promotion of Zeus Olympios under Hadrian (p. 17: τὸν ἱερέα), for providing the funds for the offering of a sacrifice to Zeus (l. The sacrifice was to be offered by Myndios together with 30 councillors determined by lot (l.

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